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Alexandra Andrews Group

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Otto Rodionov
Otto Rodionov

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Other contemporary publications also shed some light on what implementation looked like on the ground, including what forms the programs took, where they were delivered, and which populations of teens they were delivered to. The Office of Adolescent Health contracted Abt Associates to evaluate the implementation and impacts of three evidence-based program models: Reducing the Risk (RtR), Cuidate!, and Safer Sex Interventions (SSI). SSI, a clinic-based program focused on HIV/AIDS prevention, was implemented by clinic operators such as Planned Parenthood and county health departments. RtR, a curriculum-based program focused on sexual health and risk prevention, was implemented in classrooms during the school day. Cuidate!, a curriculum-based program focused on HIV/STI risk reduction, was targeted specifically to Latino adolescents.

By contrast, the observational studies cited above relied on nationally representative survey data that included retrospective self-reports by female respondents on sex education and births, thus capturing long-term impacts at the population level. But these studies almost certainly overstate the true relationship between comprehensive sex education and teen births, due to their inability to control for all potentially important confounds and because of the likely nonrandom selectivity of those who recall enough about their sex education to categorize it as comprehensive.

It is likely that our findings understate the true effect of more comprehensive sex education at the individual level. On the one hand, our quasi-experimental evidence shows that the federal funding received by local organizations played a causal role in reducing teen births at the county level. On the other hand, our binary funding indicator for whether any organization in the county received federal funding ignores other critical aspects such as the numbers of teens treated, the specific topics covered, or the fact that some funded programs, in fact, provided little or no comprehensive information on ways to prevent a pregnancy. It is thus only a limited proxy for whether or not an individual teen received more comprehensive sex education. On balance, these and other factors could imply that our causal evidence is conservative with respect to the magnitude of the true effect of federal funding for more comprehensive sex education on individuals.

Our findings leave many questions unanswered. First, our focus on teen births examines only one aspect of the multifaceted nature of sex education, thus ignoring whether more comprehensive sex education might affect other sexual, reproductive, or developmental outcomes (18). Reductions in teen births are thus only one way in which more comprehensive sex education may influence adolescent and young adult behaviors.

Third, our findings speak only to the actual mix of programs implemented by funded counties, leaving open the question of whether they generalize to a different mix of programs. Our quasi-experimental design also provides estimates only of the effect of treatment on the treated, leaving unanswered the question of whether effects would be similar for untreated counties that did not receive funding. Still, more comprehensive sex education could, in principle, be implemented using standardized curricula, raising the possibility that the reductions in teen births caused by funding for more comprehensive sex education might also hold at scale for the 2,800+ counties that did not receive funding. That unfunded counties saw fewer reductions in teen births thus could reflect an unmet need for effective ways to reduce teen pregnancies and births and, if so, that teens in counties that never received funding could benefit from more comprehensive sex education.

Police began the investigation into 31-year-old Andie Paige Rosafort, of New Fairfield, on Jan. 17 when administrators at New Fairfield High School contacted them to report possible inappropriate behavior between an employee and a teenage student, according to police.

Virtually all sexually experienced female teens have used some method of contraception. There was an increase in the rate of contraception use among female teens since 2002, from 97.7% to 99.4% in 2011-2015.

Among younger teens, males are more likely to have had sex than females but by age 17, the probability of having sexual intercourse was similar for males and females. By age 18, 55% of both males and females have had sex.

Faculty Advisor TeamIn each program school a Faculty Advisor Team of two or three teachers or other qualified school personnel manages the day-to-day operation of the Teen PEP sexual health class. At least one advisor must have prior training in the area of teen sexual health. Should the Teen PEP course be offered as an alternate health course, one advisor must be a New Jersey certified health teacher. Faculty advisors complete a comprehensive training program prior to assignment to teaching the Teen PEP sexual health class; and utilize only materials, curricula and workshops that are part of the Teen PEP curriculum.

Outreach AudienceAt each Teen PEP school, peer educators conduct a series of at least five outreach workshops annually. These five workshops can be presented to any group of teens that the Teen PEP stakeholders and school administrators view as appropriate. However, one group of approximately 25 students at each school is selected to participate in all five of the outreach workshops. The students who participate in these workshops may be freshmen and/or sophomores. Outreach topics for this cohort will include postponing sexual involvement, pregnancy prevention, HIV/AIDS prevention and two other workshops addressing sexual health issues. In addition, peer educators host a Family Night workshop for parents/guardians and other family members, and conduct workshops in the surrounding community.

While the primary goal of schools is academic learning, they also play a critical role in shaping mental, physical, and social growth. More than 95% of children and adolescents in the U.S. spend much of their daily lives in school, providing a considerable opportunity to foster the knowledge, skills and support needed to help prevent and reduce the negative impact of violence and other trauma and improve mental health. CDC has identified and supports a range of evidence-based activities that can make a profound difference in the lives of teens with a relatively small infusion of support to our schools.

The teen birth rate in New York declined 78% between 1991 and 2020. Even so, in 2020 there were 5,681 births to teens. Most teen births in New York (75%) are to older teens (age 18-19). It is also the case that 13% of all teen births were to teens who already had a child. The public savings in 2015 due to declines in the teen birth rate totaled $320 million. Teen birth rates have fallen for all racial and ethnic groups, and in some cases the gap in teen birth rates by race/ethnicity has narrowed, but disparities remain.

The teen pregnancy rate, which includes all pregnancies rather than just those that resulted in a birth, has also fallen steeply, by 61 % between 1988 and 2013 (the most recent data available). As of 2013 there were 28,700 pregnancies among teens age 15 to 19 in New York.

Kost, K., & Maddow-Zimet, I. (2016). U.S. Teenage Pregnancies, Births and Abortions, 2011: State Trends by Age, Race and Ethnicity. New York: Guttmacher Institute. Retrieved from: -teen-pregnancy-state-trends-2011.

A pregnancy can result in a live birth, an abortion, or a miscarriage. Pregnancy data include all pregnancies (births, abortions and miscarriages), while birth data reflect only live births. Also, while birth data are based on a near 100% accounting of every birth in the country, pregnancy data incorporate an estimate of miscarriages and abortion numbers that draw on various reporting systems and surveys. Pregnancy data are generally released a year or two after birth data because it takes time to incorporate these different components. The Guttmacher Institute and the National Center for Health Statistics wtihin the Centers for Disease Control both publish teen pregnancy rates. Although their methodologies differ slightly, both rely on largely the same underlying data sources, and their results are very similar (for more detail, see: -facts-teen-pregnancy-united-states).

Unlike teen birth data, which are routinely released in the following year, there is generally a one to two year lag in the release of teen pregnancy data. Our teen pregnancy data come from publications released by NCHS and the Guttmacher Institute, which combines data from NCHS birth and population data along with the Guttmacher Institute survey of abortion providers to estimate the number and rate of teenage pregnancies. If you need a more recent indicator, consider using teen birth data instead.

It is common to confuse a rate per 1,000 with a percentage, but they are not the same. A percentage is measured per 100, while rates are commonly measured per 1,000. To get a sense of the difference, consider that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 teen girls equates to a percentage of 2.65% teen girls having a birth each year. The relative frequency of teen births each year is typically expressed as a rate, not a percentage. 041b061a72


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